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Pembawa Penghargaan Lydian

Pembawa Penghargaan Lydian


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Asal Edit

Setelah runtuhnya Kerajaan Urartu (Ararat), wilayah itu ditempatkan di bawah administrasi Kekaisaran Median dan Scythians. Kemudian wilayah itu ditaklukkan oleh Kekaisaran Achaemenid, yang menggabungkannya sebagai satrapi, dan dengan demikian menamakannya tanah "Armina" (dalam bahasa Persia Kuno "Harminuya" dalam bahasa Elam "Urashtu" dalam bahasa Babilonia).

Dinasti Orontid Sunting

Dinasti Orontid, atau dikenal dengan nama asli mereka, Eruandid atau Yervanduni, adalah sebuah dinasti turun-temurun dari Armenia kuno, dan penguasa negara penerus kerajaan Zaman Besi Urartu (Ararat). [1] [2] [3] Sejarawan menyatakan bahwa dinasti tersebut berasal dari Iran, [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] dan menyarankan, meskipun tidak jelas, bahwa dinasti tersebut memiliki hubungan keluarga dinasti dengan penguasa Dinasti Achaemenid. [9] Sepanjang keberadaan mereka, Orontid menekankan garis keturunan mereka dari Achaemenid untuk memperkuat legitimasi politik mereka. [10]

Anggota dinasti memerintah Armenia sebentar-sebentar selama periode yang membentang dari abad ke-6 hingga setidaknya abad ke-2 SM, pertama sebagai raja klien atau satrap dari kerajaan Median dan Achaemenid dan kemudian, setelah runtuhnya kekaisaran Achaemenid, sebagai penguasa independen kerajaan, dan kemudian sebagai raja Sophene dan Commagene, yang akhirnya menyerah pada Kekaisaran Romawi.

Orontid membangun supremasi mereka atas Armenia sekitar waktu invasi Scythian dan Median pada abad ke-6 SM. [11] Pendirinya adalah Orontes I Sakavakyats (bahasa Armenia: Ա , Yervand I Sakavakyats). Putranya, Tigranes Orontid, menyatukan pasukannya dengan Kores Agung dan membunuh raja Media. Moses dari Chorene menyebutnya "raja-raja Armenia yang paling bijaksana, paling kuat, dan paling berani".

Dari tahun 553 SM hingga 521 SM, Armenia adalah kerajaan subjek Kekaisaran Achaemenid, tetapi ketika Darius I menjadi raja, ia memutuskan untuk menaklukkan Armenia. Dia mengirim seorang Armenia bernama Dâdarši untuk menghentikan pemberontakan melawan kekuasaan Persia, kemudian menggantikannya dengan jenderal Persia, Vaumisa, yang mengalahkan orang-orang Armenia pada tahun 521 SM. Sekitar waktu yang sama, seorang Armenia lainnya bernama Arakha, putra Haldita, mengaku sebagai putra raja terakhir Babel, Nabonidus, dan menamakan dirinya Nebukadnezar IV. Pemberontakannya berumur pendek dan ditindas oleh Intaphrenes, pembawa busur Darius.

Setelah Pertempuran Gaugamela (331 SM), Orontes III berhasil merebut kembali kemerdekaan bagi Armenia. Namun pada tahun 201 SM, Armenia ditaklukkan oleh Artashes, seorang jenderal dari Kekaisaran Seleukia, dan juga dikatakan sebagai anggota dinasti Orontid. Raja Orontid terakhir Orontes IV terbunuh, tetapi Orontid terus memerintah di Sophene dan Commagene hingga abad ke-1 SM.

Dalam dua prasasti raja Antiokhus I dari Commagene di monumennya di Gunung Nemrut, Orontes I (putra Artasouras dan suami putri Artaxerxes, Rhodogoune), dianggap sebagai leluhur Orontid yang memerintah Commagene, yang menelusuri kembali keluarga mereka hingga Darius besar.


Isi

Sejarawan menyatakan bahwa dinasti itu berasal dari Iran, [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] dan menyarankan (walaupun tidak jelas) bahwa dinasti itu memiliki hubungan keluarga dinasti dengan penguasa Dinasti Achaemenid. [12] [13] Sepanjang keberadaan mereka, Orontid menekankan garis keturunan mereka dari Achaemenid untuk memperkuat legitimasi politik mereka. [14]

Menurut Razmik Panossian, Yervanduni mungkin memiliki hubungan pernikahan dengan penguasa Persia dan rumah bangsawan terkemuka lainnya di Armenia. [15]

Menurut Mehrdad Izady, yang mengutip sejarawan Armenia Moses dari Chorene, Orontid memiliki hubungan dekat dengan aristokrasi Median. Dia menyebutkan Raja Eruand (mungkin Orontes IV, yang melawan Artaxias dari Parthia) mencari dan menerima dukungan dari Muratsean, yang berasal dari keturunan Median dan Armenia. Setelah kekalahannya, Eruand dilaporkan oleh Musa dari Chorene telah mundur ke tanah kelahirannya "Eruandavan," yang merupakan korupsi dari Haravand atau Halvand/Alvand, nama gunung tertinggi dan paling suci di Media. [16]

Nama Orontes adalah bentuk Helenisasi dari nama maskulin asal Iran Eruan dalam bahasa Armenia Kuno. [17] Nama ini hanya dibuktikan dalam bahasa Yunani (Yn.:). Koneksi Avestan-nya adalah auruuant (berani, pahlawan) dan Persia Tengah Arwand (Persia Modern اروند Arvand). [17] Berbagai transkripsi Yunani dari nama dalam sumber Klasik dieja sebagai Orontes, Aruandes atau Ardoates. Kehadiran dinasti ini dibuktikan dari setidaknya 400 SM, dan dapat ditunjukkan untuk memerintah awalnya dari Armavir dan kemudian Yervandashat. Armavir disebut "ibukota pertama dinasti Orontid".

Tanggal pasti berdirinya Dinasti Orontid diperdebatkan oleh para sarjana hingga hari ini, tetapi ada konsensus bahwa itu terjadi setelah penghancuran Urartu oleh bangsa Skit dan Media sekitar tahun 612 SM.

Terlepas dari invasi Helenistik ke Persia, budaya Persia dan lokal Armenia tetap menjadi elemen terkuat dalam masyarakat dan elit. [18]

Aram adalah bahasa administrasi kekaisaran, itu terus digunakan dalam dokumen resmi selama berabad-abad. Paku kuno Persia digunakan di sebagian besar prasasti. Xenophon menyebutkan bahwa dia menggunakan penerjemah Persia untuk berbicara dengan orang-orang Armenia dan di beberapa desa Armenia mereka menjawab dalam bahasa Persia. [19]

Prasasti Yunani di Armavir menunjukkan bahwa kelas atas menggunakan bahasa Yunani sebagai salah satu bahasa mereka. [20] Di bawah Ervand the Last (r. ca. 210-200 SM), struktur pemerintahan mulai menyerupai lembaga-lembaga Yunani, dan bahasa Yunani digunakan sebagai bahasa istana. Ervand telah dikelilingi oleh bangsawan Helenis dan mensponsori pendirian sekolah Yunani di Armavir, ibu kota kerajaan Ervanduni. [21] [22]

Xenophon menyebutkan seorang raja Armenia bernama Tigranes dalam karyanya Cyropedia. Dia adalah sekutu Cyrus Agung dengan siapa dia berburu. Tigranes memberi penghormatan kepada Astyages. Putra sulungnya juga bernama Tigranes. Setelah pecahnya permusuhan antara Media dan Babilonia, Tigranes telah meninggalkan kewajiban perjanjiannya kepada Media. Sebagai penerus Astyages, Cyrus menuntut untuk membayar upeti yang sama. Strabo menguatkan hal ini dalam karyanya Geografi (xi.13.5). Pada tahun 521 SM, dengan kekacauan yang terjadi setelah kematian Cambyses dan proklamasi Smerdis sebagai Raja, orang-orang Armenia memberontak. Darius I dari Persia mengirim seorang Armenia bernama Dâdarši untuk menghentikan pemberontakan, kemudian menggantikannya dengan Vaumisa Persia yang mengalahkan Armenia pada 20 Mei 521 SM. Sekitar waktu yang sama, seorang Armenia lainnya bernama Arakha, putra Haldita, mengaku sebagai putra raja terakhir Babel, Nabonidus, dan menamakan dirinya Nebukadnezar IV. Pemberontakannya berumur pendek dan ditekan oleh Intaphrenes, pembawa busur Darius.

Peristiwa ini dijelaskan secara rinci dalam prasasti Behistun. Setelah reorganisasi administratif Kekaisaran Persia, Armenia diubah menjadi beberapa satrapies. Satrap Armenia secara teratur menikah dengan keluarga Raja segala Raja. Satraps ini menyediakan kontingen untuk invasi Xerxes ke Yunani pada 480 SM. Herodotus mengatakan bahwa orang-orang Armenia dalam pasukan Xerxes "dipersenjatai seperti orang Frigia." Pada 401 SM Xenophon berbaris melalui Armenia dengan pasukan besar tentara bayaran Yunani sebagai bagian dari March of the Ten Thousand. Xenophon menyebut dua individu dengan nama Orontes, tampaknya keduanya Persia. Salah satunya adalah seorang bangsawan dan perwira militer berpangkat tinggi, milik keluarga kerajaan sebagai komandan benteng Sardis, dia mengobarkan perang melawan Cyrus Muda dan dia mencoba mengkhianatinya ke Artaxerxes II Memnon sesaat sebelum pertempuran Cunaxa, tetapi ditangkap dan dijatuhi hukuman mati oleh pengadilan militer. Xenophon's Anabasis memiliki deskripsi rinci negara, di mana juga tertulis bahwa wilayah dekat sungai Centrites dipertahankan oleh satrap Armenia untuk Artaxerxes II, bernama Orontes, putra Artasyras, yang memiliki kontingen Armenia serta Alardian. Tiribaz disebutkan sebagai hipparchos (wakil gubernur) Armenia di bawah Orontes, yang kemudian menjadi satrap Lydia.

Pada 401 SM Artaxerxes memberinya putrinya Rhodogoune dalam pernikahan. Dalam dua prasasti raja Antiokhus I dari Commagene pada monumennya di Nemrut, seorang Orontes, yang disebut Aroandes (putra Artasouras dan suami dari putri Artaxerxes, Rhodogoune), diperhitungkan, antara lain, sebagai leluhur Orontid yang memerintah Commagene, yang menelusuri kembali keluarga mereka ke Darius I. Diodorus Siculus menyebutkan Orontes lain, mungkin sama, bahwa pada 362 SM adalah satrap Misia dan merupakan pemimpin Pemberontakan Satrap di Asia Kecil, untuk posisi mana dia cocok karena kelahirannya yang mulia dan kebenciannya pada raja. Disesatkan oleh kecintaannya pada kekuasaan dan penipuan, dia mengkhianati rekan-rekan satrapnya kepada raja. Tapi dia memberontak untuk kedua kalinya, mungkin karena ketidakpuasannya dengan hadiah raja, dan melancarkan beberapa serangan, yang dilanjutkan pada masa pemerintahan raja baru Artahsasta III Ochus. Selama waktu itu dia juga menaklukkan dan menduduki kota Pergamus, tetapi akhirnya dia harus berdamai dengan raja. Pada 349 ia dihormati oleh dekrit Athena dengan hak-hak sipil dan karangan bunga emas. Banyak koin dipukul olehnya selama Pemberontakan Satraps di Clazomenae, Phocaea, dan Lampsacus. Semua Orontid berikutnya adalah keturunannya. Darius III adalah satrap Armenia setelah Orontes, dari 344 hingga 336 SM. Sebuah kontingen Armenia hadir di Pertempuran Gaugamela di bawah komando Orontes dan Mithraustes tertentu. Diodorus menyebutkan bahwa Orontes adalah teman Peucestas jenderal Makedonia. Armenia secara resmi diteruskan ke Kekaisaran Makedonia, karena para penguasanya tunduk kepada Alexander Agung. Alexander menunjuk seorang Orontid bernama Mithranes untuk memerintah Armenia setelah kekalahan Orontes II. Dengan persetujuan di Babel setelah kematian Aleksander (323 SM) Armenia ditugaskan ke Neoptolemus, dan mempertahankannya sampai kematiannya dalam pertempuran pada tahun 321 SM. Sekitar 302 SM ibu kota dipindahkan dari Armavir ke Yervandashat oleh Orontes.

Mulai dari 301 SM Armenia termasuk dalam lingkup pengaruh Kekaisaran Seleukia, tetapi mempertahankan tingkat otonomi yang cukup besar, mempertahankan penguasa asli. Menurut Polyaenus, pada 227 SM raja pemberontak Seleukia Antiochus Hierax berlindung di wilayah Armenia yang diperintah oleh Raja Arsames, pendiri kota Arsamosata. Menjelang akhir 212 SM negara itu dibagi menjadi dua kerajaan, keduanya negara bawahan Seleukia: Greater Armenia dan Armenia Sophene, termasuk Commagene atau Armenia Kecil. Antiokhus III Agung memutuskan untuk menekan dinasti lokal, dan mengepung Arsamosata. Xerxes, satrap Sophene dan Commagene, menyerah dan memohon grasi raja, yang dia terima sebagai penguasanya. Antiokhus memberikan saudara perempuannya Antiokhia sebagai istri kepada Xerxes yang kemudian akan dibunuhnya. Armenia Raya diperintah oleh keturunan Orontid dari Hydarnes, penguasa Orontid terakhir dari Armenia Raya (Strabo xi.14.15) ia tampaknya ditundukkan oleh Antiokhus III Agung, yang kemudian membagi tanah antara jenderalnya Artaxias (Artashes) dan Zariadres (Zareh ), keduanya akan mengklaim keturunan dari keluarga Orontid.

Di Nemrut Dagi, di seberang patung-patung Dewa ada deretan panjang alas, di mana berdiri prasasti nenek moyang Yunani Antiochos. Di sudut kanan baris ini berdiri deretan prasasti lain, menggambarkan nenek moyang Orontid dan Achaemenid-nya. Dari prasasti ini prasasti Darius dan Xerxes terpelihara dengan baik. Di depan setiap prasasti adalah altar kecil. Prasasti telah ditemukan di dua altar tersebut. Antiokhos berusaha keras untuk memastikan bahwa semua orang sadar bahwa dia terkait dengan dinasti Raja Diraja, Darius I, melalui pernikahan putri Rhodogune dengan leluhurnya Orontes. Ayah dari Rhodogune adalah raja Persia, Artaxerxes. Pada 401 SM Artaxerxes mengalahkan adiknya, yang mencoba menggulingkannya. Karena bantuan yang diterima Artaxerxes dari Orontes—komandan militernya dan satrap Armenia—ia mengawinkan putrinya dengannya. Keturunan mereka, Orontid Mithridates I Callinicus menikah dengan Putri Seleukus Laodice VII Thea.


Lydian Tribute-Bearer - Sejarah

Militer Koresh sebagian besar dimodelkan setelah Kekaisaran Asyur, meskipun ia memodifikasi dan memperbaikinya. Pasangan pemanah, penombak dengan perisai cahaya besar dari kulit dan anyaman dan . Shieldman memegang perisai untuk perlindungan sementara pemanah menembakkan panah. Orang Persia menyebut perisai mereka spara dan pembawa perisai sparaba. Asyur biasanya berbaris dalam satu baris, tetapi Cyrus meningkatkan kedalaman untuk konsentrasi panah yang lebih berat. Dia juga memperbaiki kereta perang Asyur dengan membuatnya lebih seimbang. kereta perang tetap digunakan sampai akhir Kekaisaran Persia, lama setelah orang-orang Yunani berhenti menggunakannya demi kavaleri.

Tentara Persia diorganisasikan ke dalam resimen-resimen yang terdiri dari 10.000 orang, sebuah ' hazarabam' masing-masing resimen dikomandani oleh seorang 'hazarapatis' atau seorang komandan yang terdiri dari seribu orang dan masing-masing dibagi menjadi sepuluh sataba dari seratus dathabam sepuluh busur dan falchion (pedang melengkung).

Dewa dengan pommel berbentuk apel di bagian bawah tombak

Prajurit terbaik di ketentaraan menjadi Dewa 'Amrtaka' menurut Herodotus (Satu-satunya referensi untuk mereka). Ini adalah pengawal raja dan unit tentara elit. Hanya orang Persia, Media, atau Elam yang dapat bergabung dengan barisan mereka. Mereka dilatih sejak kecil dalam penggunaan senjata dan menunggang kuda. Mereka selalu dijaga pada 10.000 kuat, diganti jika ada yang jatuh, maka nama ' abadi .' Ada juga menyebutkan penjaga elit dari sejarawan Alexander, Callisthenes, menyebutkan ' pembawa apel & #39 dari pommel berbentuk apel di ujung tombaknya.

Pemanah adalah inti penting tentara Persia. Busur Persia, menurut Herodotus dan Xenophon, berukuran tidak biasa. Menurut patung, itu agak pendek, tentu saja tidak melebihi empat kaki. Tampaknya telah digantung, baik di bahu kiri, dengan lengan melewatinya, atau dalam kasus busur tersampir di sisi kiri. Itu sangat bengkok di tengah, dan ujungnya sedikit terbalik. Anak panah, yang dari buluh, berujung dengan logam, dan berbulu, dibawa dalam tabung, yang tergantung di belakang dekat bahu kiri. Untuk menilai dari patung-patung itu, panjangnya pasti sekitar dua setengah kaki. Kepala panah, yang terbuat dari perunggu atau besi, tampaknya memiliki berbagai bentuk, yang paling umum sangat mirip dengan kepala panah Asyur.

Pemanah Busur Persia melawan Spartan

pakaian berwarna-warni dari Pemanah Persia

Pembawa upeti Median dan Scythian

Lengan ofensif dari foot-man adalah, pedang, tombak, dan busur. Pedang, yang disebut oleh Persia akinace , tampaknya merupakan senjata pendek dan lurus, cocok untuk menusuk daripada memotong, dan, pada kenyataannya, tidak jauh lebih baik daripada belati. Itu dibawa dalam sarung, dan dikenakan tergantung dari korset di sisi kanan. Dari patung-patung Persepolitan tampaknya tidak digantung bebas, tetapi diikatkan ke paha kanan dengan tali yang melingkari lutut. Pegangannya pendek, dan umumnya tidak dilindungi oleh pelindung tetapi, dalam beberapa spesimen, kita melihat palang melintang sederhana antara gagang dan bilahnya.

pedang terbuat dari emas 500 SM

Pertahanan biasa Persia terhadap senjata musuhnya adalah perisai anyaman, yang menutupinya hampir dari kepala hingga kaki, dan yang mungkin sedikit berbeda dari perisai pial Asyur. Ini biasanya dia tanam di tanah, menopangnya, mungkin, dengan tongkat, sementara dia menembakkan panahnya dari belakangnya. Kadang-kadang, ia menambahkan pada pertahanan ini perlindungan sebuah mantel surat, yang terdiri dari baju besi skala, atau linen berlapis, seperti korselet orang Mesir. Armor jenis sebelumnya hampir tidak bisa ditembus, karena sisiknya dari logam&mdashiron, perunggu, atau terkadang emas&mdashand saling tumpang tindih seperti sisik ikan.

Kavaleri Persia, dari anjing laut

Kavaleri Persia dipersenjatai, pada masa awal monarki, hampir persis dengan cara yang sama seperti infanteri mereka. Setelah itu, namun perubahan yang cukup besar tampaknya telah dibuat. Pada masa prajurit kavaleri Cyrus yang lebih muda dilindungi sepenuhnya. Mereka mengenakan helm di kepala mereka, mantel surat tentang tubuh mereka, dan pelindung kaki di kaki mereka. Senjata penyerang utama mereka tampaknya adalah pedang pendek, lembing, dan pisau. Kemungkinan mereka tidak memiliki perisai, cukup dilindungi oleh baju besi mereka, yang (seperti yang telah kita lihat) hampir selesai.

Lembing penunggang kuda, yang merupakan senjata khususnya, adalah tombak atau tombak pendek yang kuat, dengan batang kayu cornel, dan ujung besi. Sudah biasa baginya untuk membawa dua senjata seperti itu, salah satunya ia gunakan sebagai rudal, sementara ia menahan yang lain untuk menggunakannya dalam pertempuran tangan kosong dengan musuh. Itu adalah senjata kokoh yang dapat dikendalikan, dan meskipun tidak cocok untuk tombak kavaleri Makedonia yang lebih panjang dan sama kuatnya, lebih disukai oleh Xenophon daripada tombak buluh panjang yang lemah yang biasa dibawa oleh prajurit kuda pada zamannya.

Itu adalah praktik orang Persia kemudian untuk melindungi dengan baju besi, tidak hanya penunggang kuda, tetapi juga kuda. Mereka memilih hewan yang besar dan kuat, terutama jenis Nisaean, dan membungkusnya hampir seluruhnya dengan pos. Kepala dilindungi oleh bagian depan, dan leher dan dada dengan penutup dada, sisi dan sisi memiliki penutup khusus mereka sendiri dan cuiss membela paha. Pertahanan ini tidak hanya, seperti yang dilakukan oleh kavaleri berat Asyur belakangan, dari kain kempa atau kulit, tetapi terdiri, seperti kuiras yang dikenakan oleh para penunggangnya, dari beberapa bahan semacam itu yang dilapisi dengan sisik logam. Beban yang harus dipikul kuda itu sangat besar, dan gerakan pasukan kavaleri, akibatnya, lambat dan ragu-ragu. Terbang sulit dan, dalam retret, hewan yang lebih lemah cenderung tenggelam di bawah beban mereka, dan diinjak-injak sampai mati oleh yang lebih kuat.

Tidak ada keraguan bahwa, selain para penunggang kuda yang berat ini, orang-orang Persia, bahkan di masa-masa terakhir, dan lebih banyak lagi di masa lalu, mempekerjakan pasukan kavaleri yang ringan dan gesit. Itulah pasukan yang, di bawah Tissaphernes, mengganggu Sepuluh Ribu selama retret mereka dan semacam itu, dapat diduga, benar-benar setiap saat merupakan tubuh besar kavaleri mereka. Pendidikan orang Persia, seperti yang akan kita lihat selanjutnya, diarahkan pada pembentukan kebiasaan kecepatan dan kelincahan dalam menunggangi dan mengelola kuda, yang memiliki nilai militer hanya sebagai pelatihan yang baik untuk layanan kavaleri ringan dan kecenderungan ras selalu, bukan pada bentuk-bentuk organisasi militer yang efisien melalui soliditas dan kekuatan, tetapi pada cabang-cabang yang lebih ringan, lebih bervariasi, dan lebih elastis yang mengimbangi kekurangan soliditas dengan peningkatan aktivitas. , kesiapan, dan kemudahan bergerak.

Kavaleri, sampai akhir periode Achaemenid, bertarung dengan lembing kayu yang disebut palta, bukannya tombak dorong pendek yang digunakan oleh infanteri. NS palta, panjangnya 1,5 hingga 1,8 meter dan berujung dengan kepala besi atau perunggu. Mereka bisa dilempar sebelum kontak atau digunakan sebagai senjata dorong.

Meskipun orang Persia tidak menggunakan kereta perang, sebagai bagian dari dinas militer, mereka kadang-kadang menggunakannya. Tidak hanya raja dan pangeran mereka, ketika mereka memerintahkan pasukan mereka secara pribadi, terbiasa mengarahkan gerakan mereka, baik saat berbaris dan bahkan tidak bertindak, dari ketinggian kereta perang, tetapi kadang-kadang, dalam pertempuran besar, kekuatan mereka dibawa ke lapangan, dan konsekuensi penting diharapkan dari pekerjaan mereka. Roda kereta perang dipersenjatai dengan sabit dan ini, ketika kereta digerakkan, dianggap telah diperhitungkan untuk menimbulkan kerusakan besar pada barisan lawan. Namun, harapan seperti itu tampaknya umumnya dikecewakan. Karena setiap kereta ditarik oleh setidaknya dua kuda, dan berisi setidaknya dua orang&mdash, kusir dan prajurit&mdasha tanda besar ditawarkan oleh masing-masing kepada misil pasukan ringan yang biasanya ditempatkan untuk menerima mereka dan, secara praktis ditemukan bahwa a luka tunggal pada kuda atau manusia membuat seluruh perlengkapan menjadi bingung, muatan kereta bersabit biasanya diperiksa sebelum mencapai garis pertempuran musuh. Di mana hal ini tidak terjadi, bahaya dihindarkan dengan membuka barisan dan membiarkan kereta melewati mereka ke belakang, laporan bagus yang cepat diberikan dari setiap petualang yang dengan demikian mengisolasi dirinya dari dukungan partainya sendiri.

Kereta perang Persia, mungkin, agak lebih tinggi daripada Asyur. Roda-roda itu tampaknya berasal dari, berdiameter tiga hingga empat kaki dan tubuhnya naik di atasnya hingga ketinggian hampir lima kaki dari tanah. Orang kesatria itu dengan demikian dilindungi sampai ke tengahnya oleh papan lengkung yang menutupi kereta di tiga sisinya. Pohon-gandar dikatakan lebar, karena lebarnya memberikan keamanan agar tidak terguling, dan seluruh konstruksinya kuat dan kokoh. Roda memiliki dua belas jari-jari, yang terpancar dari bagian tengah dengan ukuran yang tidak biasa. Rekan-rekan itu lebih sempit daripada Asyur, tetapi masih terdiri, seperti mereka, dari dua atau tiga lapisan kayu yang berbeda. Bannya mungkin dari logam, dan berlekuk seperti ujung gergaji.

Tidak ada ornamen besar dari kereta yang tampaknya telah dicoba. Tubuhnya kadang-kadang berpola dengan karya kotak-kotak, yang mungkin dibandingkan dengan gaya yang umum di Asyur, dan jari-jari roda terkadang sangat elegan, tetapi karakter umum pengerjaannya sangat besar dan polos. Tiang itu pendek, dan diakhiri dengan kurva sederhana. Dari bukti monumen, tampaknya kereta ditarik oleh dua kuda saja, tetapi para penulis klasik meyakinkan kita bahwa praktik biasa adalah memiliki tim yang terdiri dari empat orang. Harness yang digunakan sangat sederhana, terdiri dari yoke, ikat pinggang, kerah sempit, head-stall, bit, dan tali kekang. Ketika kusir meninggalkan tempat duduknya, tali kekang dapat dipasang pada sebuah lingkaran atau palang yang menonjol dari depan papan kereta.

Kereta dibangun untuk memuat dua, atau mungkin, dalam beberapa kasus, tiga orang. Ini terdiri dari prajurit, kusirnya, yang berdiri di sampingnya, dan seorang pelayan, yang tempatnya di belakang, dan yang tugasnya adalah membuka dan menutup pintu kereta. Sang kusir mengenakan visor dan mantel surat, tidak memperlihatkan apa pun kepada musuh kecuali matanya.

Tentara Alexander melawan gajah perang India

Orang Persia belakangan juga menggunakan gajah dalam pertempuran, tetapi dalam jumlah yang sangat kecil . Tidak seperti Hannibal, orang Persia tidak dapat menggunakan gajah mereka dengan baik.

Poin utama taktik Persia adalah sebagai berikut. Tentara diorganisasikan ke dalam tiga layanan yang berbeda&mdash yaitu kereta, kuda, dan kaki. Dalam menyusun garis pertempuran, biasanya, di mana kereta digunakan, menempatkan mereka di barisan depan, di depan pasukan lainnya. Di belakang kereta ditempatkan kuda dan kaki yang pertama umumnya berkumpul di atas sayap yang terakhir ditempatkan di tengah, disusun menurut negara, di sejumlah kotak persegi panjang, yang menyentuh, atau hampir menyentuh, satu sama lain. Pasukan bersenjata paling berani dan terbaik ditempatkan di barisan depan ke arah belakang ditempati oleh mereka yang berkualitas rendah. Kedalaman barisan biasanya sangat besar, karena pasukan Oriental tidak dapat dipercaya untuk mempertahankan front yang kokoh kecuali mereka didukung dengan kuat dari belakang. Namun, tampaknya tidak ada upaya yang dilakukan untuk membentuk garis pertempuran kedua di belakang garis pertama, dan bahkan tampaknya tidak ada sistem cadangan yang terorganisir. Ketika pertempuran dimulai, kereta pertama kali diluncurkan melawan musuh, yang barisannya diharapkan akan membingungkan, atau, setidaknya, mengganggu. Setelah ini garis utama maju ke serangan, tetapi tanpa kecenderungan untuk datang sekaligus untuk menutup tempat. Menanamkan perisai mereka dengan kuat di tanah di depan mereka, Persia bersenjata berat menembakkan panah ke musuh mereka, sementara slinger dan senjata ringan lainnya di belakang mengirim awan rudal di atas kepala teman-teman mereka ke peringkat yang merugikan di luar mereka. Biasanya musuhlah yang mengakhiri fase pertempuran ini, dengan menekan maju dan menutup dengan garis utama Persia dalam pertarungan satu lawan satu. Di sini perjuangan biasanya singkat&mdasha sangat sedikit menit sering memutuskan pertunangan. Jika garis pertempuran Persia dipaksa atau dipatahkan, semuanya langsung dianggap kalah&mdashflight dan diikuti kekalahan. Kavaleri, dari posisinya di sayap, mungkin berusaha, dengan serangan putus asa di sisi-sisi musuh yang maju, untuk mempertahankan kemajuannya, dan memulihkan keberuntungan hari itu, tetapi upaya seperti itu biasanya tidak berhasil. Garis pertempurannya pernah putus, tentara Persia kehilangan hati komandannya biasanya memberi contoh penerbangan, dan ada serbuan semua senjata dari medan perang.

Untuk keberhasilan, Persia terutama mengandalkan jumlah mereka, yang memungkinkan mereka, dalam beberapa kasus, untuk memperbarui serangan dari waktu ke waktu dengan pasukan baru, di lain pihak untuk mengepung dan mengepung musuh mereka. Pasukan terbaik mereka tidak diragukan lagi adalah kavaleri mereka, baik berat maupun ringan. Yang berat, di masa lalu dipersenjatai dengan busur, dan di kemudian hari dengan lembing, sangat menonjol dalam banyak kesempatan penting. Bobot muatannya pasti besar, senjata ofensifnya bagus dan baju besinya membuatnya hampir kebal terhadap senjata biasa. Kavaleri ringan dipuji karena kecepatan dan ketangkasan manuvernya. Itu memiliki organisasi longgar Bashi-Bazouk atau Cossack modern yang tergantung di awan pada musuh&mdashsailing, mundur, bersatu, maju kembali&mdashfled, dan bahkan dalam penerbangan itu tangguh, karena setiap pengendara dilatih untuk melepaskan panahnya ke belakang dengan tujuan yang pasti. melawan musuh yang mengejar. Keahlian orang Parthia yang terkenal dalam pertempuran kuda mereka diwarisi dari para pendahulu Persia mereka, yang tampaknya telah menemukan praktik yang kemudian dilakukan oleh orang-orang kemudian dengan sempurna.

Meskipun sebagian besar bergantung untuk sukses pada jumlah mereka, Persia tidak sepenuhnya membenci penggunaan alat dan siasat. Di Guagamela, Darius Codomannus memiliki bola berduri yang berserakan di tanah di mana dia mengharapkan kavaleri Yunani untuk menyerang. dan, di Sardis, Cyrus memperoleh kemenangannya atas kuda Lydia dengan menakut-nakuti mereka dengan unta yang aneh dan asing. Contoh lain akan segera muncul pada pembaca, di mana tampaknya seni perang dipelajari, dan kecerdikan memungkinkan tempatnya dalam masalah militer, oleh orang-orang ini, yang menunjukkan bagian yang adil dari kehalusan Oriental dalam perangkat yang mereka gunakan melawan mereka. musuh.

Pasukan Persia biasanya, meskipun tidak selalu, ditempatkan di bawah satu komandan. Komandan ini adalah raja, jika dia hadir jika tidak, itu adalah orang Persia, atau Media, yang dicalonkan olehnya. Di bawah panglima ada sejumlah perwira umum, kepala korps atau divisi, di antaranya kita temukan, dalam satu contoh, sebanyak sembilan. Berikutnya dalam peringkat ini adalah kepala dari berbagai kontingen etnis yang menyusun tentara, yang mungkin secara umum adalah satrap dari provinsi yang berbeda.

Sejauh ini penunjukan diadakan langsung dari mahkota tetapi lebih dari itu sistemnya diubah. Komandan etnis atau satrapial menunjuk perwira di bawah mereka sendiri, kapten lebih dari seribu, dan (jika kontingen mereka cukup besar untuk mengakuinya) kapten lebih dari sepuluh ribu yang, sekali lagi, mencalonkan bawahan mereka, komandan seratus, dan komandan sering. Jadi, pada dasarnya, skala desimal menang. Pangkat terendah perwira memerintahkan setiap sepuluh orang, terendah berikutnya seratus, berikutnya seribu, sepuluh ribu berikutnya. Perwira lebih dari sepuluh ribu kadang-kadang menjadi kepala divisi kadang-kadang ia tunduk pada komandan kontingen etnis, yang dirinya sendiri di bawah perintah kepala divisi. Secara keseluruhan ada enam pangkat perwira, tidak termasuk panglima tertinggi.

Senjata ofensif lain yang kadang-kadang dibawa oleh prajurit Persia adalah, kapak perang, umban, dan pisau. Kapak perang, yang muncul di pahatan hanya dalam satu atau dua kejadian, dinyatakan sebagai senjata umum Persia oleh Xenophon, yang, pada titik seperti itu, tampaknya dapat dipercaya. Penggunaan gendongan oleh Persia bersenjata ringan cukup pasti. Itu disebutkan oleh Curtius dan Strabo, tidak kurang dari Xenophon dan penulis yang disebutkan terakhir berbicara dengan pengetahuan penuh tentang masalah ini, karena dia menyaksikan efek senjata di tangan pengumban Persia selama kembalinya dengan Sepuluh Ribu. Satu-satunya misil yang dilemparkan oleh slingers Persia adalah batu yang tidak mereka gunakan, seperti Rhodians, menggunakan gumpalan kecil timah.

Posisi yang tepat dari panglima dianggap sebagai pusat garis pertempuran. Dia dianggap lebih aman di sana daripada di kedua sayap dan terlihat bahwa, dari posisi seperti itu, perintahnya akan paling cepat disampaikan ke semua bagian medan perang. Namun, tidak dianggap terhormat bahwa dia harus menjauhkan diri dari pertarungan, atau menghindari mempertaruhkan nyawanya sendiri. Sebaliknya, dia diharapkan untuk mengambil bagian aktif dalam pertempuran dan oleh karena itu, meskipun tempatnya tidak persis di barisan paling depan, itu adalah ke arah depan, dan akibatnya dia sering terkena bahaya yang akan segera terjadi. Konsekuensi dari pengaturan ini sering menjadi bencana yang ekstrim, kematian atau pelarian komandan yang menghasilkan kepanikan universal, menghentikan penerbitan lebih lanjut dari setiap tatanan umum, dan dengan demikian melumpuhkan seluruh pasukan.

Jumlah tentara Persia, meskipun tidak diragukan lagi dilebih-lebihkan oleh orang-orang Yunani, pasti sangat besar, mungkin, kadang-kadang, berjumlah lebih dari satu juta pejuang. Pasukan ditarik dari seluruh kekaisaran, dan dikerahkan di lapangan menurut negara, masing-masing suku dilengkapi dengan caranya sendiri. Di sini terlihat penutup dada berlapis emas dan rok merah tua dari Persia dan Media di sana, kemeja wol Arab, rok kulit Berber, atau pakaian katun penduduk asli Hindustan. Orang-orang Etiopia yang buas dari Sungai Nil Atas, dihiasi dengan cat perang berwarna putih dan merah, dan berpakaian minim dengan kulit macan tutul atau singa, bertempur di satu tempat dengan tongkat besar, panah berujung batu, dan tombak yang ditancapkan di tanduk seekor antelop.

In another, Scyths, with their loose spangled trousers and their tall pointed caps, dealt death around from their unerring blows while near them Assyrians, helmeted, and wearing corselets of quilted linen, wielded the tough spear, or the still more formidable iron mace. Rude weapons, like cane bows, unfeathered arrows, and stakes hardened at one end in the fire, were seen side by side with keen swords and daggers of the best steel, the finished productions of the workshops of Phoenicia and Greece. Here the bronze helmet was surmounted with the ears and horns of an ox there it was superseded by a fox-skin, a leathern or wooden skull-cap, or a head-dress fashioned out of a horse's scalp. Besides horses and mules, elephants, camels, and wild asses, diversified the scene, and rendered it still more strange and wonderful to the eye of a European. One large body of cavalry was accustomed to enter the field apparently unarmed besides the dagger, which the Oriental never lays aside, they had nothing but a long leathern thong. They used this, however, just as the lasso is used by the natives of Brazil, and the wretch at whom they aimed their deadly noose had small chance of escape.

The Persians, like the Assyrians, usually avoided fighting during the winter, and marched out their armies against the enemy in early spring. With the great hosts which they moved a fixed order of march was most necessary and we find evidence of so much attention being paid to this point that confusion and disorder seem scarcely ever to have arisen. When the march lay within their own country, it was usual to send on the baggage and the sumpter-beasts in advance, after which came about half the troops, moving slowly in a long and continuous column along the appointed line of route. At this point a considerable break occurred, in order that all might be clear for the most important part of the army, which was now to follow. A guard, consisting of a thousand horse and a thousand foot, picked men of the Persian people, prepared the way for what was most holy in the eyes of the nation&mdashthe emblems of their religion, and their king. The former consisted of sacred horses and cars perhaps, in the later times, of silver altars also, bearing the perpetual and heaven-kindled fire, which was a special object of Persian religious regard, and which the superstition of the people viewed as a sort of palladium, sure to bring the blessings of heaven upon their arms. Behind the sacred emblems followed the Great King himself, mounted on a car drawn by Nissean steeds, and perhaps protected on either side by a select band of his relatives. Behind the royal chariot came a second guard, consisting, like the first, of a thousand foot and a thousand horse. Then followed ten thousand picked foot, probably the famous "Immortals" then came a body of ten thousand picked Persian horsemen. After these a space of four hundred yards (nearly a quarter of a mile) was left vacant then marched, in a second continuous column, the remainder of the host.

Treatment of the captured

The Persians readily gave quarter to the enemy who asked it, and generally treated their prisoners of war with much kindness. Personages of importance, as monarchs or princes, either preserved their titles and their liberty, with even a certain nominal authority, or received appanages in other parts of the Persian territory, or, finally, were retained about the Court as friends and table-companions of the Great King. Those of less rank were commonly given lands and houses in some province remote from their own country, and thenceforth held the same position as the great mass of the subject races.

Exchanges of prisoners do not seem to have been thought of. In a few cases, persons, whom we should regard as prisoners of war, experienced some severities, but probably only when they were viewed by the Persians, not as fair enemies, but as rebels. Rebels were, of course, liable to any punishment which the king might think it right to inflict upon them, and there were occasions after a revolt when sentences of extreme rigor were passed upon the persons considered to have been most in fault. According to Herodotus, three thousand Babylonians were crucified by order of Darius, to punish their revolt from him and, though this is probably an exaggeration, it is certain that sometimes, where an example was thought to be required, the Persians put to death, not only the leader of a rebellion, but a number of his chief adherents. Crucifixion, or, at any rate, impalement of some sort, was in such cases the ordinary punishment. Sometimes, before a rebel was executed, he was kept for a while chained at the king's door, in order that there might be no doubt of his capture.

Among the minor punishments of rebellion were branding, and removal of the rebels secara masal from their own country, to some remote locality. In this latter case, they were merely treated in the same way as ordinary prisoners of war. In the former, they probably became royal slaves attached to the household of the monarch.

they were quite aware of the great importance of a navy, and spared no pains to provide themselves with an efficient one. The conquests of Phoenicia, Cyprus, Egypt, and the Greek islands were undertaken, it is probable, mainly with this object and these parts of the Empire were always valued chiefly as possessing skilled seamen, vessels, and dockyards, from which the Great King could draw an almost inexhaustible supply of war-ships and transports. Persia at times had the complete command of the Mediterranean Sea, and bore undisputed sway in the Levant during almost the whole period of her existence as an empire.

The war-ship preferred by the best naval powers during the whole period of the Persian rule was the trireme, or decked galley impelled by rowers sitting in three tiers, or banks, one above another. This vessel, the invention of the Corinthians, had been generally adopted by the nations bordering on the Mediterranean in the interval between B.C. 700 and B.C. 525, when by the reduction of Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Egypt, the Persians obtained the command of the sea. Notwithstanding the invention of quadriremes by the Carthaginians before B.C. 400, and of quinqueremes by Dionysius the Elder soon after, the trireme stood its ground, and from first to last the Persian fleets were mainly composed of this class of vessels.

The trireme was a vessel of a considerable size, and was capable of accommodating two hundred and thirty persons. Of these, two hundred constituted the crew, while the remaining thirty were men-at-arms, corresponding to our own "marines." By far the greater number of the crew consisted of the rowers, who probably formed at least nine-tenths of the whole, or one hundred and eighty out of the two hundred. The rowers sat, not on benches running right across the vessel, but on small seats attached to its side. They were arranged, as before stated, in three tiers, not, however, directly one over the head of another, but obliquely, each at once above and behind his fellow. Each rower had the sole management of a single oar, which he worked through a hole pierced in the side of the vessel. To prevent his oar from slipping he had a leathern strap, which he twisted round it, and fastened to the hole, probably by means of a button. The remainder of the crew comprised the captain, the steersman, the petty officers, and the sailors proper, or those whose office it was to trim the sails and look to the rigging. The trireme of Persian times had, in all cases, a mast, and at least one sail, which was of a square shape, hung across the mast by means of a yard or spar, like the "square-sail" of a modern vessel. The rudder was composed of two broad-bladed oars, one on either side of the stern, united, however, by a cross-bar, and managed by a single steersman. The central part of a trireme was always decked, and on this deck, which was generally level with the bulwarks, stood and fought the men-at-arms, whose business it was to engage the similar force of the enemy.

The weapon of the trireme, with which she was intended chiefly to attack her foe, was the beak. This consisted of a projection from the prow of the ship, either above or below the water-line, strongly shod with a casting of iron, and terminating either in the head of an animal, or in one or more sharp points. A trireme was expected, like a modern "ram," to use this implement against the sides of her adversary's vessels, so as to crush them in and cause the vessels to sink. Driven by the full force of her oars, which impelled her almost at the rate of a modern steamer, she was nearly certain, if she struck her adversary full, to send ship and men to the bottom. She might also, it is true, greatly damage herself but, to preclude this, it was customary to make the whole prow of a trireme exceedingly strong, and, more particularly, to support it with beams at the side which tended to prevent the timbers from starting.

Besides triremes, which constituted the bulk of the Persian navy, there were contained in their fleet various other classes of vessels, as triaconters, penteconters, cercuri, and others. Triaconters were long, sharp-keeled ships, shaped very much like a trireme, rowed by thirty rowers, who sat all upon a level, like the rowers in modern boats, fifteen on either side of the vessel. Penteconters were very similar, the only difference being in the number of the oars and oarsmen.Both these classes of vessels seem to have been frequently without sails. Cercuri were light boats, very long and swift. They are said to have been invented by the Cyprians, and were always peculiar to Asia.

The transports of the Persians were either for the conveyance of horses or of food. Horse-transports were large clumsy vessels, constructed expressly for the service whereon they were used, possessing probably a special apparatus for the embarkation and disembarkation of the animals which they were built to carry. Corn-transports seem to have been of a somewhat lighter character. Probably, they varied very considerably in their size and burthen, including huge and heavy merchantmen on the one hand, and a much lighter and smaller craft on the other.

The Persians used their ships of war, not only for naval engagements, but also for the conveyance of troops and the construction of bridges. Accustomed to pass the great streams which intersect Western Asia by bridges of boats, which were permanently established wherever an unfordable river crossed any of the regular routes connecting the provinces with the capital, the Persians, when they proceeded to carry their arms from Asia into Europe, conceived the idea of bridging the interval between the continents, which did not much exceed the width of one of the Mesopotamian streams, by constructions similar in principle and general character to those wherewith long use had made them familiar in their own country. Ranging a number of vessels side by side, at no great distance one from another, parallel with the course of the stream, which ran down the straits, anchoring each vessel stem and stern to keep it in place, and then laying upon these supports a long wooden platform, they made a floating bridge of considerable strength, reaching from the Asiatic to the European coast, on which not only men, but horses, camels, chariots, and laden carts passed over safely from the one continent to the other. Only, as the water which they had to cross was not a river, but an arm of the real salt sea, and might, therefore, in case of a storm, show a might and fury far beyond a river's power, they thought it necessary to employ, in lieu of boats, the strongest ships which they possessed, namely, triremes and penteconters, as best capable of withstanding the force of an angry sea. Bridges of this kind were intended sometimes for temporary, sometimes for permanent constructions. In the latter case, great care and much engineering skill was lavished on their erection. The shore cables, which united the ships together, and sustained the actual bridge or platform, were made of most carefully selected materials, and must have been of enormous strength the ships were placed in close proximity one to another and by the substitution of a double for a single line&mdashof two bridges, in fact, for one&mdashthe solidity of the work was very largely augmented. Yet, rare as was the skill shown, solid and compact as were the causeways thus thrown by human art over the sea, they were found inadequate to the end desired. The great work of Xerxes, far the most elaborate of its class, failed to withstand the fury of the elements for a single year the bridge, constructed in one autumn, was utterly swept away in the next and the army which had crossed into Europe by its aid had to embark as it best could, and return on board ship to Asia.

As the furnishing of the Persian fleet was left wholly to the subject nations of the Empire, so was its manning entrusted to them almost entirely. Phoenicians, Syrians, Egyptians, Cypriots, Cilicians, Lycians, Pamphylians, Carians, Greeks, equipped in the several costumes of their countries, served side by side in their respective contingents of ships, thereby giving the fleet nearly the same motley appearance which was presented by the army. In one respect alone did the navy exhibit superior uniformity to their sister service&mdashthe epibatae , or "marines," who formed the whole fighting force of the fleet while it kept the sea, was a nearly homogeneous body, consisting of three races only (two of which were closely allied), namely, Persians, Medes, and Sacse. Every ship had thirty such men on board all, it is probable, uniformly armed, and all animated by one and the same spirit. To this force the Persians must have owed it mainly that their great fleets were not mere congeries of mutually repellant atoms, but were capable of acting against an enemy with a fair amount of combination and singleness of purpose.

When a fleet accompanied a land army upon an expedition, it was usually placed under the same commander. This commander, however, was not expected to adventure himself on board much less to take the direction of a sea-fight. He entrusted the fleet to an officer, or officers, whom he nominated, and was content himself with the conduct of operations ashore. Occasionally the land and sea forces were assigned to distinct commanders of co-ordinate authority&mdashan arrangement which led naturally, to misunderstanding and quarrel.

The tactics of a Persian fleet seem to have been of the simplest kind Confident in their numbers, until experience had taught them the fallaciousness of such a ground of hope, they were chiefly anxious that their enemy should not escape. To prevent this they endeavored to surround the ships opposed to them, advancing their line in a crescent form, so as to enclose their adversary's wings, or even detaching squadrons to cut off his retreat. They formed their line several ships deep and when the hour of battle came, advanced directly at their best speed against the enemy, endeavoring to run down his vessels by sheer force, and never showing any acquaintance with or predilection for manoeuvres of a skilful antagonist, who avoided or successfully withstood this first onset, they were apt through their very numbers to be thrown into disorder: the first line would become entangled with the second, the second with the third, and inextricable confusion would be the result. Confusion placed them at the mercy of their antagonist, who, retaining complete command over his own vessels, was able to strike theirs in vulnerable parts, and, in a short time, to cover the sea with shattered and sinking wrecks. The loss to the Persians in men as well as in material, was then sure to be very great for their sailors seldom knew how to swim, and were consequently drowned, even when the shore was but a few yards distant.

When, from deficiency in their numbers, or distrust of their own nautical skill in comparison with that of their enemy, the commanders of a Persian fleet wished to avoid an engagement, a plan sometimes adopted was to run the ships ashore upon a smooth soft beach, and, after drawing them together, to surround them with such a rampart as could be hastily made, and defend this rampart with the sailors. The crews of the Persian vessels were always more or less completely armed, in order that, if occasion arose, they might act as soldiers ashore, and were thus quite capable of fighting effectively behind a rampart. They might count, too, under such circumstances, upon assistance from such of their own land forces as might happen to be in the neighborhood, who would be sure to come with all speed to their aid, and might be expected to prove a sure protection.

Greek mercenaries found employment in the Persian army after the first Persian wars , the most famous being Xenophon and the 10,000 in the reign of Artaxerxes II .and many fought for Darius III against their fellow Greeks, and were the Persian hardest fighting soldiers . Many of the Greek mercenaries who fought Alexander had a deep hatred for him, and gave nor expected any quarter .

At fifteen years of age the Persian was considered to have attained to manhood, and was enrolled in the ranks of the army, continuing liable to military service from that time till he reached the age of fifty. Those of the highest rank became the body-guard of the king, and these formed the garrison of the capital. They were a force of not less than fourteen or fifteen thousand men. Others, though liable to military service, did not adopt arms as their profession, but attached themselves to the Court and looked to civil employment, as satraps, secretaries, attendants, ushers, judges, inspectors, messengers. A portion, no doubt, remained in the country districts, and there followed those agricultural pursuits which the Zoroastrian religion regarded as in the highest degree honorable. But the bulk of the nation must, from the time of the great conquests, have passed their lives mainly, like the Roman legionaries under the Empire, in garrison duty in the provinces.

The entire population of Persia Proper can scarcely have exceeded two millions. Not more than one fourth of this number would be males between the ages of fifteen and fifty. This body of 500,000 men, besides supplying the official class at the Court and throughout the provinces, and also furnishing to Persia Proper those who did the work of its cultivation, had to supply to the whole Empire those large and numerous garrisons on whose presence depended the maintenance of the Persian dominion in every province that had been conquered. According to Herodotus, the single country of Egypt contained, in his day, a standing army of 120,000 Persians and, although this was no doubt an exceptional case, Egypt being more prone to revolt than any other satrapy, yet there is abundant evidence that elsewhere, in almost every part of the Empire, large bodies of troops were regularly maintained troops which are always characterized as "Persians."

We may suspect that under the name were included the kindred nation of the Medes, and perhaps some other Arian races, as the Hyrcanians, and the Bactrians, for it is difficult to conceive that such a country as Persia Proper could alone have kept up the military force which the Empire required for its preservation but to whatever extent the standing army was supplemented from these sources, Persia must still have furnished the bulk of it and the demands of this service must have absorbed, at the very least, one third if not one half of the adult male population.


Persepolis Revision 1

4 comments:

a) Name the two kings who built at Persepolis
- Xerxes the great and Cyrus the great
b) Who or what is an immortal?
- An immortal is an undying god of ancient Greece or Rome, such as Zeus (2 marks)
c) Describe the burial sites of the Achaemenid Kings (5 marks) – half a page with 5 relevant facts

- It is widely accepted that Cyrus the Great was buried at Pasagradae, which Ctesis mentioned was his own city. Darius the Great, Xerxes I, Artaxerxes I, Darius II and Xerxes II however, are buried at Naghsh-e Rustam. Arrian’s testimony states that Cyrus the Great’s limestone tomb was built around 540-530 B.C.E amongst the fertile fowers surrounding Pasagradae.

Explain the role of Alexander the Great at Persepolis (6 marks) – half a page
(how or why did he burn it to the ground)

-On Januray 330, Alexander the Great reached Persepolis, 3 months later he destroyed several buildings, because he was not yet sole ruler of the large Persian Empire and it was too dangerous to leave the vast treasures that Persepolis held to be open to recapturing. Alexander described Persepolis to the Macedonians as their worst enemy among the cities of Asia, and as a result, handed it over to the soldiers to destroy, except the royal palace. The Macedonians rushed the houses and stole everything valuable, ranging from purple clothes (the royal colour) to over 2,500 tons of gold. Alexander wanted to take a portion of the earnings and return to Susa with it and deposit it for the cost of war. In celebration of their victory, the Macedonians held a large banquet where heavy drinking and feasting took place. An Athenian woman by the name of Thais suggested continuing Alexander’s procession by lighting fire to the royal city, allowing women’s hands to destroy what was once the height of the Persian Empire. Intoxicated, the Macedonians became very enthusiastic and excited with this idea, and then set fire to the city, in honour of Dionysus (the god of wine)

1. Name two Kings who built at Persepolis
Darius I and Xerxes I
2. Who or what is an ‘Immortal’?
Herodotus named the elite force of soldiers who guarded the king and the Achaemenid nation the Immortals, their strength was limited to 10,000 at any given time.
3. Describe the burial sites of the Achaemenid Kings
A granite mountain housed the bodies of four prominent Achaemenid Kings, situated approximately 5 kilometres from Persepolis. Darius the Great (Darius I), founder of the nation’s capital, requested a massive tomb carved into a cliff near Persepolis. Three of his descendants, possibly Xerxes I, Artaxerxes I and Darius II have tombs carved in the same mountain, next to Darius I. The burial site was large enough to house up to nine people, but other than Darius I’s tomb, a lack of inscriptions means that the other tombs are unidentifiable. The tombs had clearly been tampered with after their discovery by modern day archaeologists who theorise that after the sacking of Persepolis by Alexander the Great, they were opened and all looted for valuables. Since very few possessions were found in the tombs it is hard to determine what the Kings chose to be buried with. Finally, in front of the mountain a small watchtower and a park were placed, the tower being used to house Achaemenid texts and fires dedicated to the Zoroastrianism god, Ahura-Mazda.
4. Explain the role of Alexander the Great at Persepolis
Alexander the Great was responsible for the invasion of Persia and the ultimate downfall of the Achaemenid Empire and the sacking of Persepolis. In 330BC Alexander the Great stormed the gates of Persepolis and easily overpowered the relatively large yet notably inefficient cohort of soldiers garrisoning the city. Despite the fall of Persepolis, Alexander refrained from unnecessary destruction not excepting a fire that broke out in Xerxes’ Palace that remains unexplained, but may have been revenge for the burning of the Acropolis of Athens, or perhaps just an accident. Justification for not razing the city lay in the enormous wealth left in the treasuries, forcing Alexander to guard the hoard lest it be looted. The treasuries alone held almost 2500 tonnes of gold and silver, all of which had been amassed since Cyrus was declared King of the Achaemenid Empire. This wealth was subsequently distributed among Babylon, Mesopotamia and Susa, where it was kept under strict supervision, it’s purpose being to fund Alexander the Great’s military campaigns which was one of the motives for invading Persia in the first place. Alexander the Great had a myriad of reasons to start this campaign, possibly the largest of which was to dwarf his father’s achievements. The Achaemenid Empire had constant conflict with the city-states of Greece, and being born and raised in Macedonia, Alexander the Great had always viewed the Achaemenid Empire as an entity of pure wealth and power, and Persepolis being the physical embodiment of this affluence. The defeat of such an empire would overshadow any feat of strength performed by his father.

5. With reference to Source A and other evidence you have studied, explain what is known about Persian relationships with foreign countries.
Achaemenid relationships with other countries formed the basis of the great empire and the transformation from a small band of Persians to an empire comprising of thirty nations.
Cyrus the Great’s initial conquering of the Medes resulted in most of their land being annexed, forming the foundation of the Persian Empire. Cyrus’ initial relationship with the older powers in Asia was mainly associated with war, but as the empire grew, peaceful relationships were formed between the superpower and the nations it controlled. The Persian monarchy had distinctly good relationships with the countries it conquered as the King allowed for them to maintain their culture and religious practices. All that was required of the subjugated nations was that that they were required to pay tribute to the King in Persepolis. Source A portrays a Lydian tribute-bearer from Persepolis, and analysis of this source and reliefs found throughout Persepolis have shown the types of tributes the King accepted. Fortification and treasury tablets hold written accounts of tributes brought to the king including jewels, gold, and even soldiers for the Achaemenid army. During the reign of later kings such as Darius and Xerxes I, the Achaemenid Empire exuded a sense of multiculturalism and acceptance of foreign cultures and religions. An inscription dictated by Xerxes found on the Gate of All Nations reads “I am Xerxes, the great king… the king of all countries and many men… this Gate of All Nations I built.” The specific reference to “all nations” demonstrates Xerxes’ acceptance of the foreign cultures and his willingness to allow them to maintain their traditions. This type socio-cultural evolution is not apparent in many empires other than the Achaemenids, and acceptance of diversity within the civilisation levied more respect from Xerxes, and the chances of conquered countries revolting significantly lowered, however it did still occur.

A specific example of Persian relationships with a foreign country is the liberation of the Jews from Babylon under the reign of Cyrus the Great. After annexing the city, the Jews were freed from slavery and allowed to practice their religious traditions which had condemned them in the eyes of the Babylonians. An anonymous Athenian wrote in Plato’s “Laws” that “in the time of Cyrus… they gave [their] subjects their share of liberty and placed them on equal terms as themselves…the king permitted free speech.” Sources dictate that the relationships between Persia and foreign countries were relatively strong, mainly due to the fact that the foreign countries had little to complain about with the exception of being forced to pay tribute, or having to host Persian soldiers and military/administrative commanders in their borders. The tribute bearers were also noted by Greek author Herodotus as he observed them using the Royal Mail Service, a road that leads directly to Persepolis which was extremely efficient in transporting goods or armies as fast as possible. The capital cities themselves keep the empire together as they are all from varying and unique nations. An inscription found at Darius’ palace at Susa mentions in excess of twelve different countries, all of which having made their own separate contribution to the construction of the palace, and having provided skills unique to their culture. The mention of each country and the merits they bring to the empire as a whole serves to solidify their identity as Achaemenids, further strengthening and solidifying the relationship between Persia and each foreign country it commanded.
Warfare dictated both the relationship between the empires within the Achaemenid Empire who fought together for a common cause, and those who they were fighting. Herodotus recorded that the fundamental structure of the Achaemenid army was based on segregating the men, splitting them up into divisions based on their nationality. Inherently this may suggest that the divisions had poor relationships, but can actually be attributed to the unique fighting styles that each country had which would not necessarily complement each other if all of the soldiers were mixed together. A consistent and ever-present enemy of the Achaemenids were the city-states of Greece, who were consistently on the cusp of becoming a part of the Achaemenid Empire. Wars between these city-states were prolific throughout the Achaemenid dynasty, and especially so during the reigns of Darius the Great (Darius I) and his son Xerxes the Great (Xerxes I). Scripts written by ancient Greek historian Xenephon describe the conflict between Persia and Athens where Spartan mercenaries were employed by the Persians to fight against the Athenians, a crime that Xenephon was later exiled for his support of the Spartan king.
Ancient Persia had varying relationships with the nations in its territory, and fairly unstable relationships with countries that sat on the verge of becoming a part of the Achaemenid Empire. Greek city-states that resided within Asia fell to the Achaemenids, but those who did not continued to fight for sovereignty.


Referensi

Boardman, John, I. E. S. Edwards, and N. G. L. Hammond. The Cambridge Ancient History. The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and Other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. Volume III, Part 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Bright, John. A History of Israel. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1959.

Brosius, Maria. Women in Ancient Persia, 559-331 B.C. . Oxford: Clarendon, 1998.

Chavalas, Mark W., and K. Lawson Younger. Mesopotamia and the Bible: Comparative Explorations. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2002.

Glassner, Jean-Jacques and Benjamin R. Foster. Mesopotamian Chronicles. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004.

Lipinski, Edward. On the Skirts of Canaan in the Iron Age: Historical and Topographical Researches. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters en Departement Oosterse Studies, 2006.

Olmstead, A.T. History of Assyria. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1975 reprint (1923).

Saggs, H.W.F. The Might that was Assyria. London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1984.

Zawadzki, Stefan. The Fall of Assyria and Median-Babylonian Relations in Light of the Nabopolassar Chronicle. Poznań: Adam. Mickiewicz University, 1988.

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Winged Lion With Human Head Jewelry Box and Candle Holder Persian Sculpture Achaemenid MO2200

The Gate of Xerxes at Perespolis shows that the Winged Lion was placed at the corner of one entrance. When you stood in front of the gate you saw a lion with four legs and when you were inside the gate you saw a lion with four legs.

In the Achaemenid period, we come across different forms and forms of integrated beings. In Iran, these mythical creatures were the symbol of the guard, the protector of temples and government palaces. The winged cow or Lamaso is a protective god. Lamasu is a mythical creature in the history of ancient Iran, which consists of four real creatures and has the best advantages of these creatures The human head, the cow&rsquos body, the lion&rsquos legs, the eagle&rsquos wings. The creature&rsquos head is a sign of the power of thought and decision-making, the cow&rsquos body is a sign of blessing and power, the lion&rsquos legs are a symbol of strength and power, and the eagle&rsquos wings are a symbol of ambition and height. The height of the winged cow statue is 17 cm, its weight is about half a kilogram and its material is fiberglass. This statue was made in the workshop of &ldquoStatue and sculpture of Shahriar&rdquo. Sculptures can be of any gender, they can be of any size and shape, complex or simple. But each of them definitely has a message for us. They can be mythical heroes whose names we have heard in stories, or they can be simple geometric shapes. They can be the body of a popular poet on a crowded city square, or even a clay bird on a ledge. The statues look like travel. A journey from everyday life to feelings and thoughts, to beauty and, most importantly, to the dialogue of different civilizations, cultures and ideas. Sculptures can represent an idea, culture or civilization. A culture and thought that sometimes speaks to man from past centuries.


Referensi

Briant, Pierre. From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 2002.

Dupuy, R. Ernest and Trevor N. Dupuy. The Harper Encyclopedia of Military History: From 35000 B.C. to the Present. New York, NY: Harper Collins, 1993.

Dupuy, Trevor N. Johnson, Curt. Bongard, David L. The Harper Encyclopedia of Military Biography. New York: Castle Books, 1995.

Ebbott, Mary. Imagining illegitimacy in classical Greek literature. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2003.

Glassner, Jean-Jacques and Benjamin R. Foster. Mesopotamian Chronicles. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004.

Herodotus. The Histories. New York: Everyman’s Library, 1997.

Herodotus, translated by George Rawlinson, edited by Hugh Bowden. The Histories. London: Everyman, 1997.

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Astyages’ Dream

Astyages was the second ruler according to most historians of the Umman-manda. However, what is quite interesting is his name. Astyages is the Greek form of his name, but the other versions of his name are Aztiag, Ajhdahak, Astiag, Sahak, Astiak, and Aspadas. The name Ajhdahak is of interest, for the word “Dahak” is another form of the name Dahae, and the Dahae were a Saka tribe also known as the Dasa in the Vedic, and in old Iranian they are known as Daha. In addition, the Iranian Avestan word “Azis” is applied to the word Dahak/Dahaka and becomes Azis-Dahaka/Dahak and means serpent or dragon. The Azis Dahaka is a mythological dragon or serpent, but also the term was applied to anyone who was a tyrant. However, there seems to be a grain of truth to this in terms of symbolism. The Dahak are said to be the Scythian Dahae, and remember that the name Dahak/Dahae are one in the same. Then is it possible to say that the serpent and dragon are the symbols of the Dahae?

According to Herodotus, Astyages’ reign was long and prosperous. His empire stretched from the Halys River in the west to quite possibly Hara in the east.

The Median Empire during both Cyaxares the Great, and Astyages. (Area publik)

Astyages was so prosperous and his force so strong that after a while it is said they became lazy and were more concerned with the collection of taxes than securing and governing the regions they controlled. But Astyages was living the good life until he had a dream that seemed to haunt him.

Astyages dreamed that his daughter Mandane was urinating so much that she flooded Asia. Therefore, Astyages ran to the Magi and asked them what it meant. The Magi told him that Mandane’s son would overthrow him. Astyages went on the hunt to find a suitable husband for his daughter Mandane. That man would be an Achaemenid vassal prince by the name of Cambyses of Anshan. The reason for selecting Cambyses was due to his peaceful and loyal nature. Surely, no son of Cambyses would ever think of taking the throne.

Then Astyages had a second dream. This time a vine grew from Mandane’s womb when she was pregnant and the vine grew so much it took over the world.

This drove Astyages mad enough to give the order to search out and kill the boy! Astyages sent his loyal court retainer Harpagus to do the job but once Harpagus found the child he decided he could not spill royal blood and decided against it.

Painting of king Astyages sending Harpagus to kill young Cyrus. (Area publik)

Instead, Harpagus hid the child by giving him over to a shepherd by the name of Mithradates. Mithradates’ wife also gave birth to a son, but the child was stillborn. Therefore, Harpagus took the stillborn child to Astyages and pawned it off as the dead son of Mandane. As the years passed, this young boy would become none other than the famed Cyrus the Great, and young Cyrus’ first order of business once powerful enough was to challenge his grandfather Astyages for the throne.

Illustration of relief depicting Cyrus the Great (Area publik)


Referensi

Ayatollahi, Habibollah. “The Book of Iran: The History of Iranian Art”, Center for International-Cultural Studies (2003).

Bamban, Robert. The Military History of Parsiks. Woodland Hills, CA: Institute of Historical Studies, 1998.

Brosius, Maria. Women in Ancient Persia, 559-331 B.C. . Oxford: Clarendon, 1998.

Chahin, M. The Kingdom of Armenia. New York: Dorset Press, 1991.

Chavalas, Mark. Ancient Near East: Historical Sources in Translation. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006.

Dandamaev, Muhammad A., and Vladimir G. Lukonin. The Culture and Social Institutions of Ancient Iran. Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Farrokh, Kaveh. Shadows in the Desert: Ancient Persia at War. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2007.

Glassner, Jean-Jacques and Benjamin R. Foster. Mesopotamian Chronicles. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004.

Hackmann, Heinrich Friedrich. Buddhism as a Religion: Its Historical Development and its Present Conditions. London: W. C., Probsthain & CO., 1910.

Hovannisian, Richard G. “The Armenian people from ancient to modern times”, Macmillan Press, 1996.

Kuhrt, Amelie. “The Ancient Near East 3000-330 BC, Vol II”, Routledge, 1997.

Mackenzie, Donald A. Myths of Babylonia and Assyria:. London: Gersham Publishing Company Limited, 2004.

Narain, A. K. Later Indo-Scythians. Varanasi: U.P., 1962.

Ouzounian, Nourhan. Hacikyan, Agop J. Basmajian, Gabriel. Franchuk, Edward S. “The Heritage of Armenian Literature: From the Oral Tradition to the Golden Age”, Wayne State University Press, 2000.

Parpola, Asko. “The Coming of the Aryans to Iran and India and the Cultural and Ethnic Identity of the Dasas The problem of the Aryans and the Soma”, Studia Orientalia 64: 195-302. Helsinki: The Finnish Oriental Society (1988).

Tsetskhladze, Gocha. Ancient West & East, Volume 3, Issue 2. Leiden: Brill, 2004.

Russel, James R. “Scythians and Avesta in an Armenian Vernacular Paternoster and a Zok Paternoster”, Le Muséon 1997

Smith, William. “Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology”, I. B. Tauris 1 edition, 2007.


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